#Breatimeacht- maidir le hoileán na hÉireann ach go háirithe



duine n

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Tuigim nach bhfuil fhios ag éinne cad a tharlóidh, ós rud é nach ndeireann Rialtas na Breataine faic, ach seal anseo agus seal ansiúd lena thuairimí,

Níl léamh ag iriseoirí na hÉireann ar an gcás ach an oiread, sílim. Eoin Ó Murchú ag síorcháineadh an AE, agus bím in amhras an bhfuil léamh Fhintan O'Toole cruinn.

Is beag eolas atá a fháil agam ó Rialtas an Breataine, agus ní léir dom cad iad na hullmhacháin atá a dhéanamh ag rialtas na hÉireann ná lucht ghnó na hÉireann

https://tuairisc.ie/ta-pleisiur-le-baint-as-polaiteoiri-na-breataine-ag-plobaireacht-agus-prislini-cantail-leo-ach/
 

duine n

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Ní fada uainn anois an Breatimeacht! Nó an ea?

Cé chomh mór is a bhéas an praiseach?
 

Antóin Mac Comháin

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Bheinn i bhfabhar Alban neamhspleách go ginearálta, chomh maith le Bhreatain Bhig neamhspleách, ach tá imní agam faoi Sasana a bheith mar tír neamhspleách mar mar a fheiceann mé é níl aon ceannairí polaitiúil carasmatach i Sasana agus bheadh imní orm go bhfásfaidh a leithéid de an BNP ansin i gcomhthéacs Sasana a bheith neamhspleách. Is rud é sin do níos faide síos an bhóthair áfach. :)
Mar a dúirt Leanne Woods i 2014, is próiseas an neamhspleáchas in ionad eachtra. Faoí láthair tá 46 suíocháin i Westminster as 123 atá le fáil idir SF, an SNP, Plaid Cymru, Mebyon Kernow agus Mec Vannin. Tá deireadh le ré an Ríocht Aontaithe ag druidim linn, slí amháin nó slí eile. Más rud é go raibh Pháirtí Lucht Oibre na Breataine i bhfabhar 1) Éire Aontaithe & Neamhspleách; 2) Neamhapleáchas do Alban agus An Bhretain Bheag; 3) Rialtas Dúchais do Chorn na Breataine agus Oileán Mhanann, (Cosúíl le tionól na Sami san Iorua) d'fhéadfaí an lá sin a teacht níos luath. Le cónascadh eatarthu sin, agus príomhaidhmanna an tionscadail reifreann ar na ceisteanna luaite anuas, d'fhéadfaí MK-Pháirtí Lucht Oibre na Breataine idir 2 - 4 suícháin a thógáil ó na Coimeádaithe, agus taobh le chuid suícháin an SNP agus Plaid Cymru, beidh dóthain acu chun cumacht a thógáil agus a coimeád. Níl ach 17 suíocháin eile ag teastáil chun tromlach a bheith acu. Tá ár lá anseo. Beirigí Bua!
 

duine n

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Ní shílim go bhfuil neamhspléachas na hAlban nó na Breataine Bige ag brath ar an mBreatimeacht. Tiocfaidh sé nó ní thiocfaidh ar chúinsí nach é. Ar scor ar bith, bhí móramh sa Bhreatain Bheag ar son "Breatimeachta".

Pairtí Lucht Oibre na Breataine: is pairtí aontachtach é. Rinne siad feachtas i gcoinne neamhspléachais na hAlba sa Reifreann deireannach, cé go bhfuil Blair agus Brown ina nAlbanaigh.

Silím fós go bhfuil athrú le déanamh ar chroí an ghnáthAlbanaigh agus an ghnáthBhreatnigh le go mbeadh croí ar son neamhspléachais aige.

Ach an dtiocfaidh An Breatimeacht? Agus céard a bhéas ann?
 

Antóin Mac Comháin

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Ní shílim go bhfuil neamhspléachas na hAlban nó na Breataine Bige ag brath ar an mBreatimeacht. Tiocfaidh sé nó ní thiocfaidh ar chúinsí nach é. Ar scor ar bith, bhí móramh sa Bhreatain Bheag ar son "Breatimeachta".

Pairtí Lucht Oibre na Breataine: is pairtí aontachtach é. Rinne siad feachtas i gcoinne neamhspléachais na hAlba sa Reifreann deireannach, cé go bhfuil Blair agus Brown ina nAlbanaigh.
Tá alt maith anseo ó Hue Williams ag plé na ceisteanna sin ó súil an Lucht Oibre sa Bhreataine Beag: The case for a Labour-Plaid electoral pact to prevent a Tory majority in Wales

Should Carwyn Jones and Leanne Wood prepare for a new era of cooperation - and even an independence referendum?

Labour-supporting Welsh academic Huw Williams makes the case for radical cooperation

"Our leader Carwyn has the choice of seeing us through another referendum and one more historic act of recreation, to set himself forever in the pantheon of Welsh heroes. His other choice is to allow apathy, confusion and desolation to rein, and to be remembered as the leader who allowed the Wales we know and love to slip from our grasp."

Tá smaointeoirí i measc Pairtí Lucht Oibre An Bhreataine Beag ag plé na ceisteanna seo. Sin an príomh rud. Ní raibh ach 3% i bhfabhar neamhspleáchas 10-20 bliain ó shin.

Tá tacaíocht don neamhspeáchas ag laghdú an t-am ar fad, agus léim sé ó 14% i 2014 chuig 23% i 2019, agus tá sé ráite go mbeidh sé timpeall 40% an bhliain seo chugainn. - Why support for Welsh Independence could grow to 40% by 2020
 

duine n

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Níl lá loicht agam i dtaobh a scríobhann tú, ach nach bhfuil seans neamhspléachais ag an Bhreatain Bheag ar ala na huaire.
 

duine n

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Níl feisirí na breataine ar son daingnú an chonartha amach ón Aontas Eorpach, agus níl siad ar son gan conradh amach a bheith acu.

Is mian leo an craiceann is an luach a bheith acu!
 

duine n

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Anois teacht an earraigh
Beidh an Breatimeacht ag dul chun síne!


PríomhAire na Breataine ag iarraidh tuilleadh ama!
a
 

Antóin Mac Comháin

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Ní shílim go bhfuil neamhspléachas na hAlban nó na Breataine Bige ag brath ar an mBreatimeacht. Tiocfaidh sé nó ní thiocfaidh ar chúinsí nach é.
Nuair a labhair sí os comhair tionól poiblí eagraithe ar son Náisiúnaithe na hAlban i 2014 dúirt ceannaire Plaid Cymru, Leanne Woods, ní amháin nach raibh aon gealltanas ann go mbeidh bua ag na Náisiúnaithe nó chinnteacht go dtítfidh Neamhspléachas don Bhreatain Bheag as an spéír, ach chomh maith le sin dúirt sí go raibh ceachteanna le foghlaim as an méid a tharla trasna na dtonnta inár dtír sin féin:

"Following the establishment of the Irish Free State and the creation of a Parliament at Stormont following partition in 1922, a number of home rule groups emerged in Scotland, anticipating home rule here.

There was an air of inevitability at that time.

As history has shown there is nothing inevitable about the course of history.

Scotland had to wait, like Wales, until 1999 for the first taste of home rule.

A lesson for Wales and for Scotland, is that our own fate is in our own hands – if we want it to be."
 

Antóin Mac Comháin

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- Traditionally, much support to Cornish self-government has come from supporters of Welsh self-government, who have often seen the Cornish as their Brythonic Celtic kindred. For example, Mebyon Kernow has a twinning arrangement with the Blaenau Gwent branch of Plaid Cymru.

- In 2000, the Cornish Constitutional Convention launched a campaign for a Cornish Assembly. This was a cross-party movement representing many political voices and positions in Cornwall, from Mebyon Kernow and Cornish Solidarity to the Liberal Democrats and Conservatives. It collected over 50,000 petition signatures.

- Cornwall County Council's Feb 2003 MORI poll showed 55% in favour of a referendum on an elected, fully devolved regional assembly for Cornwall and 13% against. (Previous result: 46% in favour in 2002).The campaign for a Cornish Assembly had the support of all three Cornish Lib Dem MPs, Mebyon Kernow, and Cornwall Council. However, in 2015, the Conservative party won all six seats in Cornwall, removing the Lib Dems supporters from office.

- Mebyon Kernow is the key political party advocating greater Cornish home rule. Since 2004 Mebyon Kernow has been a member of the Europe-wide political group, the European Free Alliance (alongside the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru – Party of Wales), which has five Members of the European Parliament (two from the SNP, one from Plaid Cymru, one from the Republican Left of Catalonia and one Latvian MEP), and is part of the Greens/EFA group.

- The Cornish branch of the Green Party of England and Wales also campaigns on a manifesto of devolution to Cornwall and Cornish minority issues. In the 2005 general election the Green party struck a partnership deal with Mebyon Kernow.
Lib Dems deliver National Minority Status for the Cornish - April - 24 - 2014

"This is a great day for the people of Cornwall who have long campaigned for the distinctiveness and identity of the Cornish people to be recognised officially. The Cornish and Welsh are the oldest peoples on this island and as a proud Welshman I look forward to seeing Saint Piran's Flag flying with extra Celtic pride on March 5 next year."

Cornish granted minority status within the UK - April - 24 - 2014

Chief Secretary to the Treasury, Danny Alexander, today (24 April 2014) announced that the proud history, unique culture, and distinctive language of Cornwall will be fully recognised under European rules for the protection of national minorities.

The decision to recognise the unique identity of the Cornish, now affords them the same status under the European Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities as the UK’s other Celtic people, the Scots, the Welsh and the Irish. For the first time the government has recognised the distinctive culture and history of the Cornish.

The Cornish language is the only language in England recognised under the Council of Europe’s Charter for Regional or Minority Languages - Cornish granted minority status within the UK - GOV.UK

I claimed that the Liberal Democrats recognized Cornish Nationality. They campaigned for Minority Status for Cornish, the National Language of Cornwall, which is recognized as a Minority Language by the European Union.
It appears that Mebyon Kernows vote, tallied with the Labour, Liberal Democrat, Green and Independent vote, would have been enough to prevent at least three Tory seats in Cornwall, at the last General Election. That could amount to Six seats between the Six Counties and Cornwall that could go to British Tories and British Unionists.
Pairtí Lucht Oibre na Breataine: is pairtí aontachtach é. Rinne siad feachtas i gcoinne neamhspléachais na hAlba sa Reifreann deireannach, cé go bhfuil Blair agus Brown ina nAlbanaigh.
Is dócha go raibh 3-4 suíocháin ansin do Pairtí Lucht Oibre na Breataine i Chorn na Breataine do más rud é go raibh margadh déanta acu le Mebyon Kernow agus an Phairtí Glas. Bain na Coimeádach na suícháin uilig amach.
 

Antóin Mac Comháin

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Silím fós go bhfuil athrú le déanamh ar chroí an ghnáthAlbanaigh agus an ghnáthBhreatnigh le go mbeadh croí ar son neamhspléachais aige.

Ach an dtiocfaidh An Breatimeacht? Agus céard a bhéas ann?
"Is cúis an Lucht Oibre, cúis Neamhspléachas An Bhreatain Bheag , is cúis Neamhspléachas An Bhreatain Beag, cúis an Lucht Oibre"

Solidarity through divergence

"I became politically conscious during the dark days of the miners’ strike of 1984/85.

In the eighties, the collective hope of so many Welsh communities was to see the Tories defeated. To see an end to Thatcherite policies.

For most in such communities that hope of a better future was staked on Labour being returned to government.

Even when we voted Labour and Labour won, we didn’t get what we wanted!

1984 and 1997.

Both equally significant years in Wales’ history.

The first a year where for a majority, a clear alternative was yearned for.

1997 the year that should have provided a new dawn.

It did not, because as we know, whatever the colour of the rosette or the ties of the party winning a UK election, their priorities will not be our priorities.

I began this evening by discussing the shared industrial experiences of our two nations and specifically of the city of Glasgow and my home valley of the Rhondda.

Both places led their respective nations in political and social change.

Radical change.

And I’ll ask you, in a few years from now, to take time out of your efforts of building a new country from an old nation, to keep an eye on the Rhondda playing its part in the building of a new, fair and free Wales.

Diolch yn fawr."

"Is cúis an Náisiúnachas, cúis an Idirnáisiúnachas, is cúis an Idirnáisiúnachas, cúís an Náisiúnachas"

Solidarity through divergence

"Friends, the greatest act of solidarity you can show us in Wales is to create in your nation a society that rejects the poison of spiteful right-wing rule and build instead a socially just country that will show the way for us all as a beacon in these islands.

I call it solidarity through divergence.

By building for yourselves a new future, an alternative future, that will provide us with the context and the opportunity to tangibly point to alternatives as we confront the forces of neo-liberalism in the UK.

Scots are known throughout the world for your oil, your food and your whisky.

But your greatest export to us after September will be social justice, Scotia style.

Solidarity through divergence, isn’t introverted, inward-looking or selfish.

Solidarity through divergence is internally selfless, within Scotland, because its basis is standing by those in need.

Externally, solidarity through divergence is selfless because you’ll be setting an example to all your neighbours of what is possible when the social tools are used for the good of society as a whole.

And there will be some who argue, ‘there are already examples of different approaches to social and economic policies elsewhere throughout Europe, yet what good has that done in building an alternative to austerity on the island of Britain?’

There’s merit in that observation.

Imagine, a nation on this island, a new state on our doorstep pursuing a different set of political priorities, building a society based on a different set of values.."

Ag filleadh siar ar ais go dtí tréimhse an Chéad Chogadh Domhanda, CCD-I, tá sé fíor le rá go raibh níos mó daoine tógtha le gluaiseacht an neamhspléachas i 1918, nuair a shiúl os cionn 100,000 in aghaidh an chogaidh, ná ag aon am eile. Tá na hUimhreacha difriúil, ach tá na prionsabalaí i bhfeidhm díreach mar a bhí:

"Finally, while all eyes will understandably be focused on Scotland over the coming fifty-eight days, there are, too, developments in Wales.

I thought you might be interested to hear a little about Plaid Cymru’s vision for Wales to firstly develop our self-government, then moving on to emerge as the fourth independent state of these islands.

It’s worth noting, I think, that the United Kingdom and, more generally, the political arrangements on islands, have been subject to constant change.

The current UK constitution can be traced back to the advent of devolution in 1999.

Prior to that, the United Kingdom’s constitutional composition was amended in 1948 with the Ireland Act and again before then 1922 with the creation of the Irish Free State.

And so on and so on.

You get the picture.

To claim that we live in a centuries old, static, union is incorrect.

The union remains and always has been, fluid.

The question people in Scotland are now asking, and a question that people in my nation will ask too - is whether or not our relationship with one another on these islands is best served through partnership and through a social union...

or whether we should remain part of a more rigid and unequal union.

A union that will centre on the sovereignty of Westminster.

There are numerous examples that can be cited to illustrate this point.

One that sticks in my mind is that day in February 2003 when millions of us marched to stop the illegal and bloody invasion of Iraq."
 
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Antóin Mac Comháin

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Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities

I note that in your response to my original letter, you stated that “this matter was debated at length by Parliament in its consideration of the legislation.” But there has been a significant shift since the Act was agreed in 2011.

This was, of course, the landmark decision of central government to recognise the Cornish people through the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, when the official governmental press release stated that “the decision to recognise the unique identity of the Cornish, now affords them the same status … as the UK’s other Celtic people, the Scots, the Welsh and the Irish.”

As well as protecting the culture and identity of national minorities, the Framework Convention also seeks to protect the political integrity of territories associated with such groups.

Please take the time to review the significance of the Framework Convention, how it should impact on government policy and, in particular, how it relates to the Boundary Review. We are confident that you will come to the conclusion that the Act needs to be amended to safeguard the territorial integrity of Cornwall, and we would formally request that you promote this course of action.
All of the Celtic Nationalist Partys have had steady increases at the ballot box. Independence is a process and not an event. Unionists have to be lucky all of time. Nationalists only need to be lucky once, and in the greater scheme of things, it doesn't matter who gets there 1st, because it will be like a domino effect.
'Tháinig sé ar an tuairim nach de thaisme stairúil a mhair na ciníocha Ceilteacha slán in Oileáin Iarthar Eorpa. Ag snámh in aghaidh easa dóibh, níor bádh na hÉireannaigh, na hAlbannaigh, ná na Cumraigh faoin tuile Angla-Shacsanach a bhí sách tréan a mheasfaí lena gcur as.' - Seán Pádraig Breathnach, Saor & Gaelach

"Not only is independence an articulation of self-empowerment, the purest form of democratic expression, it is also the logical progression of the devolution journey.

For those of us on the left, solidarity with others, of course is a central part of our political paradigm.

"Our two countries are on national journeys.

Wales is at a different stage in our national journey to where you are in Scotland.

That doesn’t mean in any way that I don’t aspire to Wales having the same national conversation you are having now...

And for the people of Wales to one day having our own referendum so that we too can decide whether or not to emerge from the shadows as an independent nation.

But the very basis of self-determination is that the peoples of nations themselves decide the pace and nature of their national progression.

There is no one size fits all route map to statehood.

Indeed, we can see that in these islands.

Plaid Cymru advocates that at the very least, Wales must move from a model of devolution now to a model of self-government.

That’s more than a matter of semantics.

Yes, we believe in a powers reserved model of government, but unlike the London-based parties, the Party of Wales wants powers reserved to Wales – not London.

It should be up to the people of Wales to decide what decisions are made at home and what powers we choose to share with others.

There shouldn’t simply be a division of responsibility where powers are transferred to Wales but for those powers kept at London, Wales has no say at all.

It is my view, that moving to a model of self-government, where the sovereignty of the people of Wales is enshrined and respected, will give us in Wales the opportunities to begin the process of building the national infrastructure we need to deliver for our communities and our people.

But of course, Plaid Cymru’s aim is to secure independence for Wales.

That is the normal status enjoyed by the vast majority of nations and there is no reason why Wales should continue forever as an international anomaly.

Becoming independent is essential if the full potential of a nation and its people is to be unleashed."

Níl lá loicht agam i dtaobh a scríobhann tú, ach nach bhfuil seans neamhspléachais ag an Bhreatain Bheag ar ala na huaire.
"Not only is independence an articulation of self-empowerment, the purest form of democratic expression, it is also the logical progression of the devolution journey.

Tá an cúis agus an aidhm céanna, ach tá na modhanna difriúil, agus arís, mar a dúirt Woods, tá an Bhreatain Beag agus an Alban ar céimeanna difriúil den turas céanna, agus níl sa mBreatimeacht ach céim amháin ar an turas sin. Beidh an toradh céanna ag an 'Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities' agus an Dílárú, agus is deireadh scéal an Dílárú an neamhspléachas..
 
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duine n

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Nuair a labhair sí os comhair tionól poiblí eagraithe ar son Náisiúnaithe na hAlban i 2014 dúirt ceannaire Plaid Cymru, Leanne Woods, ní amháin nach raibh aon gealltanas ann go mbeidh bua ag na Náisiúnaithe nó chinnteacht go dtítfidh Neamhspléachas don Bhreatain Bheag as an spéír, ach chomh maith le sin dúirt sí go raibh ceachteanna le foghlaim as an méid a tharla trasna na dtonnta inár dtír sin féin:

"Following the establishment of the Irish Free State and the creation of a Parliament at Stormont following partition in 1922, a number of home rule groups emerged in Scotland, anticipating home rule here.

There was an air of inevitability at that time.

As history has shown there is nothing inevitable about the course of history.

Scotland had to wait, like Wales, until 1999 for the first taste of home rule.

A lesson for Wales and for Scotland, is that our own fate is in our own hands – if we want it to be."
Caint stuama ag Woods gan dabht.

Ba fhada ag Albain teacht an Rialtais agus na parlainimte Dúchais: Bhí uirthi fanacht go raibh móramh a thabharfadh moimeantam poilitiúil di.

Sé a roghasa go rachadh an Bhreatain Bheag an chonair chéanna...ag bailiú neart diaidh ar ndiadh. Níl go leor moimeantaim ann fós
 

Antóin Mac Comháin

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Caint stuama ag Woods gan dabht.

Ba fhada ag Albain teacht an Rialtais agus na parlainimte Dúchais: Bhí uirthi fanacht go raibh móramh a thabharfadh moimeantam poilitiúil di.

Sé a roghasa go rachadh an Bhreatain Bheag an chonair chéanna...ag bailiú neart diaidh ar ndiadh. Níl go leor moimeantaim ann fós
Le Plaid Cymru is dócha go bhfuil na buncloch ceart faoi bhun an tigh daingean, agus táim cinnte go bhfuil fios agat céard a tharlíonn do tithí tógtha ar gaineamh. Is ait an rud é gur chaill Woods ceannaireacht an pháirtí, ach tá Price ar fheabhas chomh maith agus tá slua mór den lucht óige ag teacht taobh thiar dóibh súid leis an meon, oideachas agus tuaramaí politicúil ceart chun smacht a chur ar na na Coimeádaithe agus Tommy R's an domhain seo.
 

duine n

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Le Plaid Cymru is dócha go bhfuil na buncloch ceart faoi bhun an tigh daingean, agus táim cinnte go bhfuil fios agat céard a tharlíonn do tithí tógtha ar gaineamh. Is ait an rud é gur chaill Woods ceannaireacht an pháirtí, ach tá Price ar fheabhas chomh maith agus tá slua mór den lucht óige ag teacht taobh thiar dóibh súid leis an meon, oideachas agus tuaramaí politicúil ceart chun smacht a chur ar na na Coimeádaithe agus Tommy R's an domhain seo.

Tagaim leat arís maidir le bunchlocha. Ar an drochuair, tagann "poilitíocht" i dtreis. Gach duine maíteach as a "dho-earáideacht" fhéin agus a chumas ceannaireachta.

Ach tá Plaid ar an mbóthar ceart.

Riteann sé liom gur turas fada turas neamhspléachais. In 1884 a tháinig an chéad iarracht bille "rialtais Dúchais" a chur roimh Pharlaimint, agus in 1912 an treas iarracht, nach rithfeadh teach na dtiarnaí.

Bhí na Liobrálaigh faoi Asquith i ndiadh a mhóramh a chailliúint in Olltoghcháin 1910 agus bhí a rialtas ag brath ar tacaíocht Náisiúntach Éireannacha. Sin a thug orthu an bille a thabhairt isteach, agus cé gur ritheach é ag teach na dteachtaí, bhí na Coiméadaigh agus iomaí aontachtaithe, in Éirinn agus in Ultaibh go háirithe, Albain agus an Bhreatain Bheag glan ina choinne.
 

Antóin Mac Comháin

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Riteann sé liom gur turas fada turas neamhspléachais..
Ní in aon lá amháin a tógadh an Róimh..

Tagaim leat arís maidir le bunchlocha..
Ar leathnach 11 sa cáipéis The Change We Need by Plaid Cymrutá polasaí dílárú don phobal áitiúil leagtha amach, agus an difríocht idir sin agus lárúchán Pairtí Lucht Oibre na Breataine.

Ar Leathnach 16, 1-6, tá léiriú bheag ar an tacaíocht a tugann siad do neamhspléachas eacnamaíochta an lucht oibre tríd uirlisí táirgeadh agus tionsclaí a chur ina lámh féin. Tá siad i bhfad chun cinn sa t-slí sin ar an 'clé' agus na 'sóisialaithe' eile scaipthe idir an Alban, Éire agus Sasana..
 
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duine n

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Ní in aon lá amháin a tógadh an Róimh..



Ar leathnach 11 sa cáipéis The Change We Need by Plaid Cymrutá polasaí dílárú don phobal áitiúil leagtha amach, agus an difríocht idir sin agus lárúchán Pairtí Lucht Oibre na Breataine

Ar Leathnach 16, 1-6, tá léiriú bheag ar an tacaíocht a tugann siad do neamhspléachas eacnamaíochta an lucht oibre tríd uirlisí táirgeadh agus tionsclaí a chur ina lámh féin. Tá siad i bhfad chun cinn sa t-slí sin ar an 'clé' agus na 'sóisialaithe' eile scaipthe idir an Alban, Éire agus Sasana..
Ar an drochuair, os a choinne sin, tá 40 feisire ag an Bhreatain Bheag i Westminister, 4 Plaid orthu; agus 4 feisire san AE 1 plaid orthu!
 

mangaire2

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9,924
níor votáil me riamh ar shon FG,
ach molaim Veradker & Coveney as ucht am módh atá said ag dealáil leis an Bhreatimeacht, go dtí seo.
 


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