Liam Lynch and his attempts at playing peacemaker

Éireann_Ascendant

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Article on Liam Lynch, from the start of the Truce and his attempts to both preserve the unity of the IRA and advance the anti-Treaty position, despite opposition within and without.

The Limits of Might: Liam Lynch and the End/Start of Conflict (Part I), 1921-2

At the IRA Convention of the 26th March 1922, held in the Mansion House, Dublin, Lynch was noted as looking "concerned and somewhat perturbed at this turn of events."


(Liam Lynch)​

Things were clearly not moving in a direction to his liking. This was despite Lynch having urged for the Convention to proceed as planned, despite the opposition of the Provisional Government and the IRA GHQ, dominated by Pro-Treatyites like Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy.

Despite the gulf that now lay between Lynch and many of his former comrades, he was not bitter, merely regretful. "I admire Mick as a soldier and a man," he wrote of Collins. "Thank God all parties can agree to differ."

Such respect often went both ways. When Limerick became the scene of a standoff between the pro and anti-Treaty IRA factions, Lynch was recommended by Mulcahy -and accepted by Collins - as an 'honest broker' who could resolve the tensions in the city.

This Lynch succeeded in, much to the relief of many on both sides. Lynch was less amiable when Mulcahy banned the March Convention, an event he was previously promised. A series of resolutions passed at the Convention reaffirmed the allegiance of the attendees to the Republic - and the expense of GHQ and the Provisional Government - and the newly-formed IRA Executive, headed by Lynch as its Chief of Staff.

"I was very impressed with Lynch,” recalled one contemporary. “He was always so meticulous about his appearance and dress… At the same time, he was a strong disciplinarian."

Others were not so sure, including his newfound allies, many of whom, like Rory O'Connor and Liam Mellows, regarded Lynch as too moderate and insufficiently zealous.

Which may say more about them, but it showed the difficulties Lynch would face in guiding his men through the difficult times ahead – men who would show little patience for any sort of guidance.


(Group photograph of anti-Treaty IRA members at the Mansion House, 1922, with Liam Lynch (fourth from the left in the front row)​
 


RasherHash

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NMunsterman

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Lynch was just a psychopath like Dominic McGlinchey
John Redmond played poker with the lives of tens of thousands of Irish people - that's about as psychopathic as you can get.

Thankfully he was dumped unceremoniously by the Irish Nation at the first available opportunity.
 

automaticforthepeople

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In early 1923 the irregulars met to vote on suspending hostilities. Lynch spoke against it and wanted to continue the war. The vote was narrowly lost so the pointless civil war continued.
In April after Lynch was killed, the irregular leadership reconvened to resume discussion of the civil war. By a narrow margin they agreed to suspend hostilities in the absence of a man with military experience to prosecute the war.

Lynch's role in the war at the crucial time of early 1923 meant that more people were killed, including himself. That doesn't seem to sound like a peacemaker to me.
 

automaticforthepeople

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John Redmond played poker with the lives of tens of thousands of Irish people - that's about as psychopathic as you can get.

Thankfully he was dumped unceremoniously by the Irish Nation at the first available opportunity.
No he wasn't. He died over 10 months before Dáil Éireann was convened and over 2 years before the Irish Free State came into being.
 

NMunsterman

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In early 1923 the irregulars met to vote on suspending hostilities. Lynch spoke against it and wanted to continue the war. The vote was narrowly lost so the pointless civil war continued.
In April after Lynch was killed, the irregular leadership reconvened to resume discussion of the civil war. By a narrow margin they agreed to suspend hostilities in the absence of a man with military experience to prosecute the war.

Lynch's role in the war at the crucial time of early 1923 meant that more people were killed, including himself. That doesn't seem to sound like a peacemaker to me.
Liam Lynch was doctrinaire, all-or-nothing - a brave man no doubt about that and a man prepared to put his life on the line for Ireland and for that he will always command huge respect - but we would have ended up with SFA had he had his way.
 

NMunsterman

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No he wasn't. He died over 10 months before Dáil Éireann was convened and over 2 years before the Irish Free State came into being.
Can you name me one street in Ireland's capital city named after John Redmond ?

One.
 

Éireann_Ascendant

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In early 1923 the irregulars met to vote on suspending hostilities. Lynch spoke against it and wanted to continue the war. The vote was narrowly lost so the pointless civil war continued.
In April after Lynch was killed, the irregular leadership reconvened to resume discussion of the civil war. By a narrow margin they agreed to suspend hostilities in the absence of a man with military experience to prosecute the war.

Lynch's role in the war at the crucial time of early 1923 meant that more people were killed, including himself. That doesn't seem to sound like a peacemaker to me.
Hence the irony - he was one of the IRA leaders most concerned with trying to bring the two Army factions back together, causing other Anti-Treatyites like Rory O'Connor, Liam Mellows and Tom Barry to regard him with suspicion and even undermine such efforts of his.

That is, up to the attack on the Four Courts and throughout the Civil War, where he refused to entertain even the possibility of compromise. But, before that, he had been of a very different mindset.

He was last in, last out.
 

McTell

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No
//
Things were clearly not moving in a direction to his liking. This was despite Lynch having urged for the Convention to proceed as planned, despite the opposition of the Provisional Government and the IRA GHQ, dominated by Pro-Treatyites like Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy.

Despite the gulf that now lay between Lynch and many of his former comrades, he was not bitter, merely regretful. "I admire Mick as a soldier and a man," he wrote of Collins. "Thank God all parties can agree to differ."//

....Why I now call it the sinn fein civil war.

It was winners with jobs -v- sore losers. Nobody else was involved. Nothing to do with the welfare of the people.
 

cricket

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Can you name me one street in Ireland's capital city named after John Redmond ?

One.
There's a John Redmond street in Cork, leading from Popes Quay to the old North Infirmary, now a hotel whose name escapes me right now.
 

DeBanksofDeLee

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Lynch was just a psychopath like Dominic McGlinchey
Liam Lynch was a patriot, a tough man a great man who made tough decisions for for greater good! Why must revisionists always run down our patriots we would have no Ireland were it not for men like Lynch.
 
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Antóin Mac Comháin

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Liam Lynch and his attempts at playing peacemaker

Article on Liam Lynch, from the start of the Truce and his attempts to both preserve the unity of the IRA and advance the anti-Treaty position, despite opposition within and without.

The Limits of Might: Liam Lynch and the End/Start of Conflict (Part I), 1921-2

At the IRA Convention of the 26th March 1922, held in the Mansion House, Dublin, Lynch was noted as looking "concerned and somewhat perturbed at this turn of events."


(Liam Lynch)​

Things were clearly not moving in a direction to his liking. This was despite Lynch having urged for the Convention to proceed as planned, despite the opposition of the Provisional Government and the IRA GHQ, dominated by Pro-Treatyites like Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy.

Despite the gulf that now lay between Lynch and many of his former comrades, he was not bitter, merely regretful. "I admire Mick as a soldier and a man," he wrote of Collins. "Thank God all parties can agree to differ."

Such respect often went both ways. When Limerick became the scene of a standoff between the pro and anti-Treaty IRA factions, Lynch was recommended by Mulcahy -and accepted by Collins - as an 'honest broker' who could resolve the tensions in the city.

This Lynch succeeded in, much to the relief of many on both sides. Lynch was less amiable when Mulcahy banned the March Convention, an event he was previously promised. A series of resolutions passed at the Convention reaffirmed the allegiance of the attendees to the Republic - and the expense of GHQ and the Provisional Government - and the newly-formed IRA Executive, headed by Lynch as its Chief of Staff.

"I was very impressed with Lynch,” recalled one contemporary. “He was always so meticulous about his appearance and dress… At the same time, he was a strong disciplinarian."

Others were not so sure, including his newfound allies, many of whom, like Rory O'Connor and Liam Mellows, regarded Lynch as too moderate and insufficiently zealous.

Which may say more about them, but it showed the difficulties Lynch would face in guiding his men through the difficult times ahead – men who would show little patience for any sort of guidance.


(Group photograph of anti-Treaty IRA members at the Mansion House, 1922, with Liam Lynch (fourth from the left in the front row)​
In early 1923 the irregulars met to vote on suspending hostilities. Lynch spoke against it and wanted to continue the war. The vote was narrowly lost so the pointless civil war continued.

In April after Lynch was killed, the irregular leadership reconvened to resume discussion of the civil war. By a narrow margin they agreed to suspend hostilities in the absence of a man with military experience to prosecute the war.

Lynch's role in the war at the crucial time of early 1923 meant that more people were killed, including himself. That doesn't seem to sound like a peacemaker to me.
Liam Lynch was doctrinaire, all-or-nothing - a brave man no doubt about that and a man prepared to put his life on the line for Ireland and for that he will always command huge respect - but we would have ended up with SFA had he had his way.
Hence the irony - he was one of the IRA leaders most concerned with trying to bring the two Army factions back together, causing other Anti-Treatyites like Rory O'Connor, Liam Mellows and Tom Barry to regard him with suspicion and even undermine such efforts of his.

That is, up to the attack on the Four Courts and throughout the Civil War, where he refused to entertain even the possibility of compromise. But, before that, he had been of a very different mindset.

He was last in, last out.
‘’Within the Provisional Government, President Arthur Griffith was advocating a firm line, having come to believe that war was inevitable. In the only formal speech to the Cabinet that one witness, Ernest Blythe, remembered him making, Griffith argued that as they were now a government, with all the accompanying responsibilities, they had a duty to assert their authority.’’

Follwing the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the establishment of the Provisional Government which was set up to administer the handover from British rule to the new Irish Free State, the National Army came into being, and made its first public appearance as such, when command of Beggars Bush Barracks was handed over from the British Army to that body on January 31, 1922. Thus, the standoff to which you refer ‘When Limerick became the scene of a standoff between the pro and anti-Treaty IRA factions, Lynch was recommended by Mulcahy -and accepted by Collins - as an 'honest broker' who could resolve the tensions in the city’, took place between the Irish Republican Army and the Irish National Army, and not between two factions of the IRA.

''We proclaimed a Republic-in-arms. It was ratified by the votes of the people. We swore we would defend it with our lives.'' - Cathal Brugha




The Battle of Mount Street


The Wicklow ambush, 1998

THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND

Signed on behalf of the Provisional Government

Tomás Ó Cléirigh........Seán Mac Diarmada

Tomás Mac Donncha....Pádraig Mac Piarais

Seosamh Pluincéad.......Séamas Ó Conghaile

Eamonn Ceannt............Dublin 1916

Letter to M. Clemenceau, 1919.

The following is a letter from the Irish Republican Delegate at Paris to Premier Clemenceau and all the Peace Conference delegates, claiming for Ireland admission to the League of nations as a Constituent member:

Paris, February 22, 1919.

Sir: As the accredited envoy of the Government of the Irish Republic, I have the honour to bring to you notice the claim of my Government, in the name of the Irish nation, for international recognition of the independence of Ireland, and for the admission of Ireland as a constituent member of the League of Nations.

The Irish people seized the opportunity of the general election of December, 1918, to declare unmistakably its national will; only in 26 (out of 105) constituencies of the country was England able to find enough ‘loyalists’ to return members favourable to the union between Ireland and Great Britain; for the remaining 79 seats the electors choose as members men who believed in self-determination; of these 73, who now represent an immense majority of the people, went forward as republican candidates, and each of these republican members has pledged to assert by every means in his power the right of Ireland to complete independence which she demands, under a national republican government, free from all English interference.

On the 21st of January, 1919, those of the Republican members whom England had not yet cast into her prisons met in the Irish capital in a national assembly, to which, as the only Irish Parliament de jure, they had summoned all Irish members of Parliament; on the same day the national assembly unanimously voted the declaration of independence appended hereto and unanimously issued the message to the free peoples likewise appended.

The national assembly has also caused a detailed statement of the case of Ireland to be drawn up. That statement will demonstrate that the right of Ireland to be considered a nation admits of no denial, and, moreover, that that right is inferior in no respect to that of the new states constituted in Europe and recognised since the war; three members, Eamon de Valera, Mr. Arthur Griffith and Count Plunkett, have been delegated by the national assembly to present the statement to the Peace Conference and to the League of Nations Commission in the name of the Irish people.

Accordingly, I have the honour, sir, to beg you to be good enough to fix a date to receive the delegates above named, who are anxious for the earliest possible opportunity to establish formally and definitely before the Peace Conference and the League of Nations Commission, now assembled in Paris, Ireland’s indisputable rights to international recognition for her independence and the propriety of her claim to enter the League of Nations as one of its constituent members.

I have the honour to be, sir,

Your obedient servant,

Sean T. O’Kelly

Document submitted by the 32 County Sovereignty Committee to the United Nations on 30 April 1998
In a statement issued on December 8, 1938, the surviving members of the Second Dáil announced the following decision:

"Dail Eireann In consequence of armed opposition ordered and sustained by England, and the defection of elected representatives of the people over the period since the Republican Proclamation of Easter 1916 was ratified, three years later, by the newly inaugurated Government of the Irish Republic, we hereby delegate the authority reposed in us to the Army Council, in the spirit of the decision taken by Dail Eireann in the spring of 1921, and later endorsed by the Second Dail.

In thus transferring the trust of which it has been our privilege to be the custodians for twenty years, we earnestly exhort all citizens and friends of the Irish Republic at home and abroad to dissociate themselves openly and absolutely from England's unending aggression's and we urge on them to disregard England's recurring war scares, remembering that our ancient and insular nation, bounded entirely by the seas, has infinitely less reason to become involved in the conflicts now so much threatened than have the neutral small nations lying between England and the Power she desires to overthrow.

Confident, in delegating this sacred trust to the Army of the Republic that, in their every action towards its consummation, they will be inspired by the high ideals and the chivalry of our martyred comrades, we, as Executive Council of Dail Eireann, Government of the Republic, append our names.

Sean O Ceallaigh - Ceann Comhairle,
George Count Plunkett,
Professor William Stockley,
Mary Mac Swiney,
Brian O hUiginn,
Tom Maguire,
Cathal O Murchadha.”

In a statement dated December 31, 1969 Thomas Maguire said:

An IRA convention, held in December 1969, by a majority of the delegates attending, passed a resolution removing all embargoes on political participation in parliament from the Constitution and Rules of the IRA.

In December 1938, the surviving faithful members of the latest 32-county Republican parliament, the Second Dail, elected in 1921, delegated their executive powers of government to the Army Council of the IRA. This proclamation of 1938 was signed by Sean O Ceallaigh, Ceann Comhairle, George Count Plunkett, Professor William Stockley, Mary Mac Swiney, Brian O hUiginn, Cathal O Murchadha and myself Tomas Maguire.

I hereby further declare that the Provisional Executive and the Provisional Army Council are the lawful Executive and Army Council respectively of the IRA and that the governmental authority delegated in the Proclamation of 1938 now resides in the Provisional Army Council and its lawful successors. I fully endorse their call for support for Irish people everywhere towards the realisation of the full freedom of Ireland.

Dated the 31st of December, 1969.
Signed: Thomas Maguire,
Comdt. Gen. Tomas Mac Uidhir.
The end game for Blythe and Griffith was the State, but the end game for Collins was the same end game as the IRA. Lynch iniherited an impossible situation, and when the clock is rewound to August 1918, Ernst Blythe was advocating for a policy he called ''Ruthless Warfare'' through the pages of An t-Óglach. One quote will be sufficient to understand the Blythe policy: ''All collaborators are to be shot without delay.'' In the 1960's, Blythe gave an oral history lesson to a number of students, where he said that he had no regrets, not only about the War of Independence and the Civil War, but also that he had none about incidents such as the Ballyseedy Massacre, when the Irish State National Army murdered 8 Irish Republican Army soldiers in one of the worst recorded atrocities carried out by the Irish State during the Civil War against the Republic. (David Thornley - Unquiet Spirit).

During this period Cathal Brugha was advocating for a Mass Movement of Civil Disobedience, which is the complete opposite to the policy being advocated by Blythe. (Page 33, Bowyer Bell, IRA - The Secret Army). This is the juncture where the decision of Seán O'Casey to resign from the Army Council of the Citizen Army in 1914 became significant, politically, because the activist base necessary to build a Mass Movement of Civil Dosodeience would have been sourced from the same pool the Physical Force Socialist Republican activist base were sourced from, in a similar way that it became significant in the 1916 Uprising, as the direct cause of the absense of Approximately 80% of the potential fire-power of the Citizen Army and the Socialist Physical Force tendency, which at its peak there was Approximately 1,500 active Volunteers organized in functioning Sections, but the conflict among the Pro-Nationalists and and Anti-Nationalists led to its activist base numbering 300, being generous, when they marched out from Liberty Hall towards the GPO on Easter Week, 1916.
 

Antóin Mac Comháin

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Lynch was just a psychopath like Dominic McGlinchey


''Collins is known to have been looking "very pleased" at hearing of the shooting of Wilson, on the subsequent evidence of one of his generals.''

[video]https://youtu.be/eJltQxmHC4o[/video]
(1) Politics in Command

(2) Internal Democracy

(3) Absolute Legitimacy

(4) Collective Leadership

(5) Central Authority

Ta Power Document

With Politics in Command atrocities like Ballyseedy would never have happened, or at the very least, Squad members would never have been reduced to murdering civilians in subsequent years, as happened when two Jews were murdered by former members and a civilian was murdered for tripping over another member in a cinema.
 


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